The Council on Foreign Relations propaganda machine manipulates American Citizens to accept the particular climate of opinion the Council on Foreign Relations seeks to achieve in the world. Council on Foreign Relations members working in an ad hoc committee called the "Special Group" and through a vast intragovernmental undercover infrastructure called the "Secret Team" formulate this opinion in the US. The Council on Foreign Relations, has methodically taken over the Department of State, The Federal Reserve, and the CIA.

The dominant Council on Foreign Relations members belong to an inner circle that plan and co-ordinate the psycho-political operations used to manipulate the American public. These are the Council on Foreign Relations members in an ad-hoc governmental committee called the "Special Group."

The rest of the Council on Foreign Relations members, past and present, inside and outside of the government, are part of a "Secret Team" that play key parts in carrying out the psycho-political operations.The "Secret Team" is set up as circles within circles. Not every Council member knows exactly what psycho-political operations are being planed or what their exact role in the operation is. This allows them to deny responsibility and deny Council sponsorship of the operation.

Secret Team circles include Council on Foreign Relations members in top positions in: the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government; who control television, radio, and newspaper corporations; who head the largest law firms; who run the largest and most prestigious universities; who direct the largest private foundations; who direct the largest public corporations; who direct and staff the major think tanks and University Institutes; and who hold top commands in the military.

How would Council on Foreign Relations "Secret Team" and "Special Group" members explain to a Grand Jury, why links to the Council on Foreign Relations are missing from major news stories, and from the History books?

Since its inception, almost every important figure in American foreign policy, both covert and overt, has been closely involved with the Council on Foreign Relations. The Ford Foundation was deeply involved in covert actions in Europe during the early years of the Cold War, working closely with Marshall Plan (a PSYOP run by CFR members Dean Achenson, Walter Lippmann, and George Kennan) and CIA officials on specific projects. CFR member Richard Bissell was a Ford Foundation staff member in 1953, when he left suddenly to became a special assistant to the director of the CIA.[1] When the Congress for Cultural Freedom was exposed as CIA-funded in 1967, Ford took over its funding.[2] In the early 1960s, Ford was involved in training Council on Foreign Relations members in Indonesia.[3]

One such member was McGeorge Bundy. Bundy was not unusual in Council on Foreign Relations circles: Yale degree in 1940, army intelligence during World War II, policy analyst for the Council on Foreign Relations from 1948-49, Harvard dean from 1953-61, special assistant to the President for national security from 1961-66 (during the buildup in Vietnam), president of the Ford Foundation from 1966-79, and with Carnegie from 1990 until his death in 1996.[4 ] His brother William P. Bundy was at the CIA from 1951-61, and edited the CFR journal Foreign Affairs from 1972-84.[5]

The covert side of Rockefeller Foundation receded after CFR member Nelson Rockefeller's death in 1979. Nelson, with the help of Hoover's FBI, was in charge of all U.S. intelligence in Latin America during World War II. After the war he artfully meshed his spook connections with his far-flung monopoly interests. His associate in Brazil, Col. J. C. King, became CIA chief of clandestine activities in the Western Hemisphere. When Nelson Rockefeller was appointed by CFR member Eisenhower to the National Security Council in 1954, his job was to approve various covert operations. This is when Nelson began his long association with CFR member Henry Kissinger.

During the 1950s, Rockefeller Foundation helped the CIA fund their MK-ULTRA mind control research, and supported early efforts to legitimize Ngo Dinh Diem as the leader of South Vietnam. Cold War heavies CFR member John J. McCloy and Robert A. Lovett were Rockefeller trustees. In 1950, OSS veteran Charles B. Fahs became head of the Foundation's division of humanities. His assistant there, another OSS veteran named Chadbourne Gilpatric, came to Rockefeller Foundation directly from the CIA.[6]

Up to 1961 every Secretary of State except Cordell Hull, and James Byrnes, were members of the Council on Foreign Relations. The undersecretaries, almost to a man, were also Council on Foreign Relations members. Secretaries of state have frequently been foundation officers. CFR member Dean Rusk went from the State Department after the war, to the presidency of the Rockefeller Foundation from 1952-60, and then back to State for eight years as secretary. [7] CFR member John Foster Dulles was a trustee at Rockefeller while chairman at Carnegie.[8] Other secretaries of state from the foundations included Edward R. Stettinius, Jr., Henry L. Stimson, Frank B. Kellogg, and Charles Evans Hughes.[9]

In the 1950's Psychological operations, were coordinated by a Governmental agency called the Psychological Strategy Board. The architect of the Psychological Strategy Board was Gordon Gray. Gray had a consultant named Henry Kissinger. Kissinger was the paid political consultant to the Rockefeller family. Gordon Gray, Henry Kissinger, and many members of the Rockefeller family belonged the Council on Foreign Relations. On Thursday 26 July 1951, President Truman would tell the press that the Psychological Strategy board was a part of the Central Intelligence Agency. [10]

In the book 1984 Big Brother controlled the people by invading their privacy and using psychological manipulation to control and change reality through conscious deception, deliberate lying, and an official ideology that abounded in contradictions. Council on Foreign Relations and Royal Institute of International Affairs members employ the same techniques to control people -- including their fellow countrymen.

Hadley Cantril and Lloyd Free were Princeton University Social Psychologists; researchers; and members of the intelligence community. Council on Foreign Relations Member Nelson Rockefeller funded them to develop psycho-political policy strategies and techniques. Council on Foreign Relations Member Edward R. Murrow, would, with Rockefeller Foundation Funding conduct a research project to perform a systematic analysis of Nazi radio propaganda techniques and the political use of radio. This study would result in a world wide monitoring and broadcasting Government agency called the Foreign Broadcast Intelligence Service (FBIS).

The FBIS would become the United States Information Agency (USIA). The USIA was established to achieve US foreign policy by influencing public attitude at home and abroad using psycho-political policy strategies. The USIA Office of Research and reference service prepares data on psychological factors and propaganda problems considered by the Policy Planning Board in formulating psycho-political information policies for the National Security Council.

The Psychological Strategy Board became the renamed super-powered Operations Coordinating Board (OCB). The OCB had a vague ambiguous name that didn't provoke curiosity. It had more members than the Psychological Strategy board. It had the same mission, to use psychological strategy, propaganda, and mass media, to manipulate huge groups of individuals. It had a psychological warfare machine -- the United States Information Agency at its disposal. The USIA would be responsible for foreign policy propaganda for the NSC.

The National Security Council is responsible for recommending national security policy. The President for having the policy approved. The Operations Coordinating Board for coordinating interdepartmental aspects of operational policy plans to insure their timely and coordinated execution.

The National Security Council's recommended national security policy is the de facto foreign policy of the United States.The Department of State's Policy Planning Board scripted the policy for the NSC. The USIA Office of Research and Reference service prepared data on psychological factors and propaganda problems. The Policy Planning Board used the data in formulating psycho-political information policies for the NSC. In 1955 the Director of the USIA became a voting member of the Operations Coordinating board; USIA representatives were invited to attend meetings of the NSC Planning Board; and the USIA Director was invited to Cabinet meetings. [11]

From 1950-1953 CFR member Nitze directed the Department of State Policy Planning Board. Nitze and crew scripted psycho-political operations for the National Security Council. [12 ] SAIS Chairman and Dean Paul Wolfowitz, . also directed the Department of State Policy Planning Board. Wolfowitz was undersecretary of defense during CFR member George Bush's administration and served as assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs. He authored PRESERVING PEACE IN THE NUCLEAR AGE (1983) and numerous articles on political science, economics and defense issues. Are the books, documentaries, and articles produced by SAIS faculty and alumni Department of State propaganda meant to trick, manipulate, and brainwash Americans into accepting Council on Foreign Relations doctrine?

The latest warnings from the Council on Foreign Relations members who planed and directed a PSYOP called Mutually ASSured Destruction (MAD) include warnings of some rogue nation terrorizing the United States with a thermonuclear device. In 1994 CFR member William Clinton's administration began using this threat as an excuse to return America to a state of perpetual National Security. Such a state is necessary for the Federal Reserve board to legally control interest rates. If a nuclear tragedy ever happens it will be due to a Council on Foreign Relations run covert operation. [13]

On 19 February 1961, President John F. Kennedy issued a Statement abolishing the Operations Coordinating Board:

"I am today issuing an Executive Order abolishing the Operations Coordinating Board. This Board was used in the last Administration for work which we now plan to do in other ways. This action is part of our program for strengthening the responsibility of the individual departments. First, we will center responsibility for much of the Board's work in the Secretary of State. He expects to rely particularly on the Assistant Secretaries in charge of regional bureaus, and they in turn will consult closely with other departments and agencies. This will be our ordinary rule of continuing coordination of our work in relation to a country or area."

Second, insofar as the Operations Coordinating Board - as a descendent of the old Psychological Strategy Board - was concerned with the impact of our actions on foreign opinion - our "image" abroad - we expect its work to be done in a number of ways; in my own office, in the State Department, under Mr. Murrow of USIA, and by all who are concerned with the spirit and meaning of our actions in foreign policy. We believe that appropriate coordination can be assured here without extensive formal machinery.

Third, insofar as the Operations Coordinating Board served as an instrument for ensuring action at the President's direction, we plan to continue its work by maintaining direct communication with the responsible agencies, so that everyone will know what I have decided, while I in turn keep fully informed of the actions taken to carry out decisions. We of course expect that the policy of the White House will be the policy of the Executive Branch as a whole, and we shall take such steps as are needed to ensure this result.

I expect the senior officials who served as formal members of the Operations Coordinating Board will still keep in close and informal touch with each other on problems of common interest. Mr. Bromley Smith, who has been the Executive Officer of the Operations Coordinating Board, will continue to work with my Special Assistant, Mr. McGeorge Bundy [Bundy was a member of the Council on Foreign Relations ], in following up on White House decisions in the area of national security. In these varied ways we intend that the net result shall be a strengthening of the process by which our policies are effectively coordinated and carried out, throughout the Executive Branch.""

Kennedy's executive order didn't dissolve the Operations Coordinating Board, it made it invisible. The OCB became an ad hoc committee called the "Special Group." In The CIA File, author David Wise writes, "In The Invisible Government, published in 1964, Thomas B. Ross and I disclosed for the first time the existence of the "Special Group," the interagency government committee customarily cited by intelligence officials as the principal mechanism for control of covert operations. The special Group was also known during the Eisenhower years as the 54/12 Group and has been periodically renamed as the 303 committee - after a room number in the Executive Office Buildings - and during the Nixon administration, it acquired the name "Forty Committee. "... It was this committee to which Allen Dulles was referring when he wrote in a now famous statement, 'The facts are that the CIA has never carried out any action of a political nature, given any support of any nature to any persons, potentates or movements, political or otherwise, without appropriate approval at high political level in our government outside the CIA. '" [14]

In 1975, Philip Agee, in the CIA DIARY, links the "Special Group" to the Operations Coordinating Board. A box on an organization chart writes, "Operations Co-ordination Board (OCB) (later renamed the 54-12 Group, The Special Group, the 303 group and the 40 Committee) Director of Central Intelligence, Under Secretary of State, Deputy Secretary of Defense are ad hoc members. " [15]

Air Force Intelligence Officer L. Fletcher Prouty writes, "During the Eisenhower years the NSC, which at times was a large and unwieldy body, was reduced for special functions and responsibilities to smaller staffs. For purposes of administering the CIA among others, the NSC Planning Board was established. The men who actually sat as working members of this smaller group were not the Secretaries themselves. These men are heads of vast organizations and have many demands upon their time. This means that even if they could attend most meetings, the essential criteria for leadership and continuity of the decision making-process simply could not be guaranteed. Thus the sub-committee or special group idea was born, and these groups were made up of men especially designated for the task. In the case of the Special Group, called by many codes during the years, such as "Special Group 5412/2," it consists of a designated representative of the President, of the Secretary of State, of the Secretary of Defense, and the Director of The Central Intelligence Agency in person. This dilution of the level of responsibility made it possible for the CIA to assume more and more power as the years went by, as new administrations established their own operating procedures, and the control intended by the law became changed." [16] Prouty is understating what "this dilution did" -- it made it impossible to dissolve the Special Group.

Key players in the "Secret Team" of the moment would include Council on Foreign Relations member William Clinton and many of his top appointees.

WHO'S RUNNING AMERICA? INSTITUTIONAL LEADERSHIP IN THE UNITED STATES, Thomas R. Dye, Prentice-Hall 1976 is a well documented study of Council on Foreign Relations links to the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government; the media; the largest law firms; the largest private foundations; the prestigious universities; and the military. The study and book grew out of a graduate seminar at Florida State University on "Research on Power and Elites" in 1972. Biographical data for over 5000 institutional elites was collected and coded by students. Major contributions were made by John W. Pickering, Political Science Professor, Memphis State University, Eugene R. DEClercq, Assistant Professor Political Science, George Washington University; and G. Edward Weston, Assistant Professor of Journalism at the University of Florida. If the study were repeated today, many of the names of the elite in leading positions would change. What would not change would be the fact that the elites in the study and the elites in power today are Council on Foreign Relations members.

You can stop the Council on Foreign Relations, by making them visible. Tell other Americans who the Council on Foreign Relations are, and what they are doing. Write your elected representatives and demand that they investigate the Council on Foreign Relations role in the CFR run Clinton administrations sale of military technology to China. Demand that the Iran-Contra investigation be reopened and that the Council on Foreign Relations links to key individuals under investigation and performing the investigation be explored and explained.

Write letters to your local papers, radio, and TV stations, and ask them why they fail to link the CFR to many of their top news stories.

How would Council on Foreign Relations "Secret Team" and "Special Group" members explain to a Grand Jury, why links to the Council on Foreign Relations are missing from major news stories, and from the History books.


[1] Sallie Pisani, The CIA and the Marshall Plan (Lawrence KS: University Press of Kansas, 1991), 188 pages; Eric Thomas Chester, Covert Network: Progressives, the International Rescue Committee, and the CIA (Armonk NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1995), 265 pages.

[2] Peter Coleman, The Liberal Conspiracy: The Congress for Cultural Freedom and the Struggle for the Mind of Postwar Europe (New York: The Free Press, 1989), pp. 224-27

[3] David Ransom, "Ford Country: Building an Elite for Indonesia." In Steve Weissman, ed., The Trojan Horse: A Radical Look at Foreign Aid (Palo Alto CA: Ramparts Press, 1975), pp. 93-116.

[4] Associated Press, "JFK aide Bundy dies at 77," as published in Washington Times, 17 September 1996, p. A3; Who's Who in America, 47th edition, 1992-93.

[5] Who's Who in America, 43rd edition, 1984-85.

[6] Gerard Colby with Charlotte Dennett, Thy Will Be Done -- The Conquest of the Amazon: Nelson Rockefeller and Evangelism in the Age of Oil (New York: Harper Collins, 1995), p. 221, 265-69.

[7] Who's Who in America, 43rd edition, 1984-85.

[8] Who's Who in America, 26th edition, 1950-51.

[9] Ferdinand Lundberg, The Rich and the Super-Rich (New York: Bantam Books, 1969). Chapter 10, titled "Philanthropic Vistas: The Tax-Exempt Foundations" (pp. 465-530), describes the Patman investigations pg. 482-483

[10] Harry S. Truman, Public Papers of Harry S. Truman, US Government Printing Office 1963, 1951 July 27 [172] pg. 427.

[11] Henderson, John W.,The United States Information Agency, 1966, pg. 52-53 Frederick A. Praeger, Publishers, New York, Washington, London, Book 14 in the Praeger Library of US Government Departments and Agencies series, consulting editors Ernest S. Griffith, former Dean and Professor Emeritus, School Of International Service, American University. Hugh Langdon Elsbree, former Chairmen, Department of Political Science, Dartmouth College. Both editors are formed directors, Legislative Reference Service, Library of Congress.

[12] Who's Who 1994, pg 3076

[13] Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) 1740 Massachusetts Ave., NW, Washington, DC 20036, USA,

[14] Robert L. Borosage and John Marks, The CIA File, Grossman Publishers A Division of Viking Press, 1976 pgs. 12-13

[15] Philip Agee, Inside the Company CIA Diary, Stonehill Publishing Co., 38 East 57 Street, New York, NY, 1975 pg 632

[16] Prouty, L. Fletcher Col., US Air Force Retired, The Secret Team, The CIA and Its Allies in Control of the United States and the World, copyright 1973 by L. Fletcher Prouty, Ballantine Books, Inc., 201 East 50th Street, New York, NY, First Printing 1974 pg 3-5


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